On the 3rd of July, Masoud Pezeshkian, the President of Iran, issued an edict instructing the nation to disengage from cooperative endeavors with the IAEA. This abrupt action came in the wake of the United States-led bombardment of major Iranian nuclear facilities, coinciding with an ongoing aerial conflict with Israel.
Advanced discussions between Iran and the International Atomic Energy Agency are anticipated to be intricate and emphasize technical details. This engagement marks a first since their relationship was severed the previous month, as announced by the foreign office of the Islamic Republic.
A bitter taste was left in the aftermath of an intensive twelve-day showdown in the skies instigated by Israel and the US. Critical nuclear infrastructure in Iran became the focal point of the bombing strategy, marking a significant escalation in the conflict.
On June 12, in an announcement that heavily foreshadowed the commencement of Israel’s assault, the IAEA board accused Iran of compromising its commitment to nuclear non-proliferation. The airstrikes over Iran by Israel, sparking a large scale war, transpired just one day after this declaration.
The second-in-command of the IAEA is set to visit, but the agency has not yet made a public statement regarding the purpose of the trip. Notably, this visitation will not involve any scheduled investigations of Iranian nuclear locations.
Esmail Baghaei, an official spokesperson for Iran’s Foreign Ministry, has hinted at the possibility of a meeting with Foreign Minister Abbas Aragchi. However, he cautioned that its timing and outcomes are premature to predict owing to the intricate nature of these discussions.
Throughout the June conflict with Israel, Baghaei expressed dissatisfaction with the IAEA’s handling of the situation: its silence and lack of appropriate response whilst Iran’s peaceful facilities came under attack, despite continuous monitoring.
Underlining the reality of an environment already under fire, he voiced concern over the absence of a stern and timely response from the international agency as he believed was its obligation when Iranian facilities were specifically targeted.
Aragchi had communicated earlier that any future collaboration with the agency would need ratification by Iran’s highest security entity, the Supreme National Security Council. This contractual redefinition is expected to considerably constrain the inspector’s capability to oversee Tehran’s project of uranium enrichment.
On the same day of the Iranian president’s order to halt cooperation with IAEA, the US-led bombing of Iranian nuclear sites occurred in parallel with Israel’s intense aggression. Near about 1,100 lives were lost in the barrage, including numerous key military personnel.
Fallout from these actions resulted in defensive Iranian counterattacks that resulted in 28 fatalities on Israeli soil. Usage of IAEA inspections as a strategic negotiating tactic has been reported from Iran in the past, however, it’s unclear when new dialogues with the West will commence.
Prior discussions focused on Iran’s nuclear program between Tehran and the US government seem stalled, with no clear timeline for their resumption. Ascertaining the final outcome of these negotiations is challenging, given the current geopolitical climate.
According to assessments from US intelligence departments and the IAEA itself, 2003 was the final year Iran had an organized program for nuclear weapons. However, Tehran continued its uranium enrichment process up to 60%, merely a hair’s breadth away from the troubling 90% mark that defines weapons-grade levels.
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