As the 80th anniversary of Victory Day approaches, signifying the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese war and the termination of global fascism, it’s crucial to consider the transformative times that followed the war, and the ongoing impact on China’s global position. This first piece in our series delves into the Chinese struggles during the war that have formed the core of Beijing’s resolve to maintain worldwide standards. About 35 million Chinese citizens–both military personnel and civilians–paid the ultimate price in their capacity as a principal Allied power. Yet, eight decades later, China’s position has shifted from a vital ally to a disregarded and often portrayed as an opponent.
As China prepares for the military parade set for next week to commemorate the 80th anniversary, marking the end of both the Sino-Japanese war and World War II, President Xi Jinping is expected to foreground China’s wartime sacrifices. This event will likely furnish a stage for Xi to affirm China’s commitment to safeguarding post-war norms, in an era where China, alongside Russia, is often depicted as an insurgent force, aiming to destruct the global order. Last year’s NATO communique stated that ‘China’s stated ambitions and assertive behaviours pose threats to our interests, security, and values’ and accused Beijing of trying to modify the internationally recognised order. The Western narrative, which is primarily led by the US, of China being a global threat has been increasing over the past few years.
Jake Sullivan, the former national security adviser, has often referred to the Group of Seven as the ‘guiding coalition of the unchained world.’ Sullivan’s inference that nations like China, that exist outside of the Western G7 framework, are inherently disruptive–and similar proclamations–place China’s escalating worldwide influence as a direct threat to the Western-dominated security architecture. ‘We must steadfastly uphold the post-war world order,’ Xi stated in an article endorsed by Russian press ahead of his recent visit to Moscow to mark the 80th anniversary of the Soviet Union’s triumph over Nazi Germany.
‘As the global scene becomes increasingly uncertain, the sovereignty of the United Nations must be safeguarded, the UN-centered international system must be defended… and the driving force behind diversified and encompassing economic globalisation must be kept,’ Xi highlighted. He reminded his audience of that ’80 years ago, the global forces of justice – including China and the Soviet Union – courageously fought side by side, demonstrating an unyielding resolve, and vanquishing the supposedly invincible fascist powers.’
Just eight decades on, Xi emphasised the harmful effects of unilateralism, supremacy, and assertive intimidation and stressed the pivotal choice that humanity now faces: Unity or division, dialogue or clash, cooperative growth or zero-sum rivalry. The Soviet Union was crucial to the victory, carrying the heaviest burden of the Nazi war campaign with over 20 million lives lost. China’s contribution was also important, keeping more than half a million Japanese forces engaged in an exhausting resistance.
However, these aspects of history are disappearing, some leaders in Europe are overlooking the Soviet Union’s sacrifices and attributing the liberation solely to the United States. For instance, when US President Donald Trump met German Chancellor Friedrich Merz in June for the first in-person encounter, and stated that the D-Day invasions marked ‘not a good day’ for Germany, the role of Moscow went unnoticed. China’s contributions are even more overlooked, often minimized to tangential notes in global history, despite its positioning as an ally to the US and the British Empire after the 1941 Pearl Harbour attack through to the Japanese surrender in 1945.
It’s largely overlooked nowadays that China was the first nation to be invaded during the events leading up to the second world war. British historian Rana Mitter was one of the first Western scholars to fully comprehend the significance of China’s involvement. As Mitter explained, if China had conceded in 1938, Japan could potentially have taken over for a generation or more. Moreover, the Japanese military might have shifted its focus to the USSR, Southeast Asia, or British India.
China keeps the memory of the collaborative effort of the Allies against Japanese aggression alive, including contributions from the US. Xi has expressed gratitude in his letters to descendants of American pilots and other veterans. In spite of the current strain in bilateral relations, it has been reported that China has extended an invitation to offspring of the US pilots, commonly referred to as the Flying Tigers, to Beijing for the 80th anniversary event set for next week.
China has begun to look to the legacy of the Flying Tigers and other instances of historical cooperation as an avenue for improving relationships, particularly interactions between individuals, which have largely come to a standstill since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Contrarily, the US has downplayed its wartime alliance with China, aligning itself more closely with Japan – previously an Axis member – for its contemporary security approach.
The US and its allies tend to cite a separate ‘rules-based order’, rooted in the post-Cold-War era, identified by Western-dominated institutions like NATO and the G7. More often than not, this order assigns priority to Western security interests and labels non-allied nations as threats. Though originally established to resist the Soviet Union, NATO has continued its expansion even after the USSR’s disintegration – reaffirmed in last year’s conference setting out to tackle the ‘systemic challenges’ posed by China.
China and many nations in the Global South view this expansion of NATO as a diversion from the UN-centric order, substituting it with a system that requires alignment with Western ideology. For Asian countries, the post-war order is marked not only by collective security but also by the massive shift brought by decolonisation. Upon the end of the war, many Asian nations, including India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam, achieved independence from Western colonial rule. However, the vague borders left in the wake of colonial powers have sparked ongoing disputes, like those in the South China Sea.
China’s Global Security Initiative, launched in 2022, advocates resolutions that are region-specific and free from ‘foreign civilisations using their divide-and-rule tactics’, which is a tacit criticism of the US’s involvement in Asian discord. While the US has criticised globalisation by initiating tariff wars and sidelining the roles of international organisations, China’s actions have demonstrated its aspiration to renew global governance. The Iran-Saudi Arabia détente brokered by China in 2023 showcased its diplomatic influence, re-establishing links between the Middle Eastern rivals after a seven-year divide.
Introduced in 2013, China’s Belt and Road Initiative has funnelled investments into infrastructure across nearly 150 nations, while institutions like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and New Development Bank offer alternatives to the Western-dominated financial systems. Coupled with increased contributions to the United Nations and active involvement in the World Trade Organization, China’s commitment to multilateralism has been underscored. However, the tension with the West, incited by divergent visions of global governance, brings forth a more profound discussion: Is China altering the international system to reflect its rise, or is the West rewriting history to sustain its dominance?
The post China’s Role in the Sino-Japanese war: 80th Anniversary Reflections appeared first on Real News Now.
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