A corruption upheaval gnawing at the heart of Spain’s political landscape is threatening the stability of the coalition government composed of the Socialist Party (PSOE) and Sumar, under the leadership of Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez. The brewing turmoil is drawing the picture of impending elections that polls suggest would favor the resurgence of the right-leaning Popular Party (PP) and the far-right grouping, Vox. Close buddy of the Prime Minister, Santos Cerdán, the linchpin of the scandal, had been the Organisation Secretary for the PSOE up until his recent resignation following a corruption investigation.
The Guardia Civil leads the investigation that ties Cerdán to alleged graft acts involving public contracts. The investigation also implicates a string of kickbacks, unethical lobbying, and profiteering. The ‘Koldo case’, connected to this scandal, revolves around the former Transport Minister, José Luis Ábalos, and his former aide, Koldo García. They stand accused of channeling millions of inappropriately acquired commissions through shell companies amidst the pandemic, including for high-priced face masks and infrastructure obligations.
Sanchez peppers his assurances to parliamentary allies, stressing the scandal is confined to the troika—Cerdán, Ábalos, and García. Unfortunately, the attempts to win trust fall short of persuasion. ERC party’s leader, Gabriel Rufián, forecasts an inevitable ‘end of cycle’. The Basque Nationalist Party refrains from commenting on the government’s potential future, instead emphasizing a cautious approach due to the unfolding daily revelations. Sumar, despite being a part of the coalition, has begun distancing itself, showcasing its dissatisfaction with the explanation provided by the PSOE.
Yet, this scandal is more than mere allegations of irregularities. It is anchoring wider changes on the horizon relating to the ruling class’s political strategies. It is as much about managing intra-establishment conflicts as it is about paving the way for a strategic realignment. The ultimate aim appears to be a more severe austerity, engagement in austerity, increased repression of the working class, and a solid pivot to militarism.
Rewind to 2018, the PSOE managed to secure power through a no-confidence vote, rooted in the Bárcenas corruption scandal surrounding the PP. The scandal, another sleight of hand involving construction companies, led to the dethronement of Mariano Rajoy. The PSOE had one significant goal: regain order after the Catalan independence referendum in 2017 that destabilized Spain’s capitalist structure. The party stepped in to defuse the Catalan tension and reestablish political command—repeating this pattern now would see history echoing itself.
The ruling Spanish class grapples with a critical survival crisis, sandwiched between rising international constraints and escalating domestic struggle. The quickening social crisis led by skyrocketing rents, inaccessible mortgages, and stagnant earnings have incited a national outbreak of strikes and protests. An instance of this emerged in Cantabria, where 22,000 metalworkers initiated a strike, only to have it quickly halted by the unions due to fear of it aligning with a similar strike involving 26,000 metalworkers in Cádiz.
The labor unrest isn’t limited to Cantabria. In Cartagena, 20,000 additional metalworkers are entering fresh negotiation rounds, with a wave of discontent brewing among workers in A Coruña and the Navantia shipyards. The unrest spreads even farther: Energy giant Iberdrola faces a workers’ strike, EasyJet crews and doctors nationwide demand better compensation and conditions, Asturias teachers fight for pay hikes, while employees at the Alcampo supermarket chain and Caixabank are standing up against potential mass layoffs.
While turmoil brews, the PP, the only party in parliament with sufficient seats to initiate a no-confidence motion, puts it on hold. Spokesman Borja Sémper reasons that such action would provide a ‘lifeline to Sanchismo’ and shift the attention. According to him, the PP is currently inclined towards a more long-term ‘bleed-out’ strategy, preferring to stress Sanchez with public mobilizations and media pressure until he calls for snap elections voluntarily.
Nonetheless, it’s not only external forces trapped in a chess game. The PSOE, within its ranks, is grappling with growing voices calling for snap elections. With just 152 seats of the 350 in parliament held by the PSOE and Sumar, Sanchez’s government is hanging by a thread, dependent on the support of five backing parties in parliament.
As the political circus unfolds, a key issue gripping the Spanish working class is its emerging political powerlessness. Despite the strikes and protests erupting across the nation, they remain under control of the errant union federations, CCOO and UGT, both aligned with the PSOE. These bureaucracies operate more like labor police, stifling dissent, isolating movements, and sparing the capitalist state from necessary upheaval.
The political landscape doesn’t get any legendary ‘progressive alternative’ either. The parties heralded as such have spent years establishing the path for a far-right resurgence. This story isn’t unique to Spain. In the United States, the Democrats unwittingly prepared the path for Trump’s return. In Germany, the Social Democrats, Greens and Left Party set the stage for the most militaristic, far-right government since World War II, under the leadership of Friedrich Merz.
Meanwhile, in Britain, there’s barely any distinction between Starmer’s Labour Party and the Tories. The relentless turn toward despotism and fascism across ruling classes worldwide stems from an economic system beleaguered by spiraling inequality, societal decay, and burgeoning global conflict.
To tackle these burgeoning challenges, the workforces, and the youth need to find direction in the International Committee of the Fourth International. They must acquaint themselves with its history and programmatic pillars, which strive for a socialist future. Creating a Spanish section, founded on these guidelines, is necessary for leading the fight against the numerous socio-economic insecurities troubling the working class.
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