On the third of July, President Masoud Pezeshkian of Iran commanded the nation to withdraw its collaboration with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). This event transpired subsequent to the US’s bombing of three substantial Iranian nuclear facilities during the aerial military conflict between Iran and Israel. The forthcoming dialogues involving Iran and the IAEA are expected to be intricate and highly specialized, as stated by Iran’s Foreign Ministry prior to the first investigative mission by the nuclear inspectorate since Tehran severed connections with the agency in the previous month.
Diplomatic rapport between the two bodies has deteriorated following a conflictual 12-day aerial campaign jointly undertaken by Israel and the US in June. This military operation targeted pivotal Iranian nuclear sites. On the 12th of June, the IAEA board publicized that Iran had transgressed its obligation to non-proliferation, a mere day prior to Israel initiating its aerial strikes over Iranian territory, consequently igniting a war.
The IAEA refrained from releasing an immediate statement regarding the impending visit by the agency’s deputy chief, an itinerary that will notably exclude any direct scrutiny of Iranian nuclear facilities. Furthermore, the spokesperson for the Iranian Foreign Ministry, Esmail Baghaei, disclosed to media that a prospective meeting might be arranged with the Foreign Minister, Abbas Aragchi, although it would be prematurely speculative to conceive the potential outcomes of such technical and intricate deliberations.
Simultaneously, Baghaei offered condemnation toward the IAEA’s approach during the June war with Israel, in which Iran was largely targeted. He expressed discontent over the missile targeting of peaceful facilities, which were under round-the-clock surveillance, and the agency’s lack of a thoughtful and rational response. His expectation was for the IAEA to unambiguously condemn these actions, which they failed to do.
Minister Aragchi had earlier indicated that coordination with the agency, which would henceforth necessitate the sanction of Iran’s predominant security organization, the Supreme National Security Council, would largely revolve around reimagining the operative collaboration between the two parties. This new arrangement is projected to further restrict the inspectors’ capacity to effectively monitor Tehran’s programme, which has previously involved the enrichment of uranium to nearly weapons-grade levels.
The Iranian President’s decree on July 3 to suspend interactive collaboration with the IAEA transpired following a sequence of destructive events. This included the bombing by the US of three foremost Iranian nuclear sites during the period of intense aerial military engagement between Israel and Iran. These actions culminated in the loss of almost 1100 lives, including numerous military leaders.
The retaliation from Iran resulted in 28 fatalities within Israeli territory. In the backdrop of these harsh realities, Iran has previously negotiated minimal IAEA inspections as a strategic measure in its bargains with the Western world. However, the immediate future of discussions between Tehran and Washington, with the aim to reach an understanding over the Iran’s nuclear aspirations, remains uncertain.
Historical records by US intelligence agencies together with the IAEA indicate that Iran’s last structured nuclear weapons program was operational in 2003. Despite this, Tehran has persisted in its uranium enrichment activities, reaching up to 60%. This figure is notably just a minor, technical leap away from the weapons-grade threshold of 90%.
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