Picture a pleasant home in the Perth suburbs, hosting a gathering of Iranian expatriates. The room fills with the melancholic strains of Morq-e Sahar (Dawn Bird), a timeless anthem of liberty and defiance against autocracy and oppression in Iran. Masterfully conveyed by the renowned Mohammad-Reza Shajarian, the keening notes of his rendition haunt the atmosphere. His vocal artistry implores Dawn Bird to exacerbate his torment, using its sigh’s sparks to shatter its imprisoning cage.
An oft-repeated question seems to resonate with every note: the same inquiry that’s punctuated countless Iranian soirees since my earliest memories. A lingering query, eternally unresolved, floating in the room as attendees exchange traditional greetings, bows, and rooboosi (cheek kisses). The dining table beckons warmly, adorned with âjil (trail mix), assorted fruits, wine, and the enticing scent of saffron rice and ghorme sabzi (herb stew). This scene evokes both a sense of familial bond and déjà vu for me.
Then, the recurring question emerges once again from the comfortable familiarity. ‘When will the regime change?’ someone queries. The ‘regime’ in context is Nezâm-e Jomhuri-ye Eslâmi-ye Irân, or the Islamic Republic of Iran’s government. The recent Israel-led Operation Rising Lion against Iran reintroduced this question with renewed urgency, leaving a significant voice underrepresented: the Iranian public.
Their lived experience of the current regime extends over 46 long years since the Islamic Revolution in 1979. This is a government they largely repudiate, desiring democratic reforms and a secular state. High-profile assassinations conducted by Israel, including Hossein Salami, head of the Revolutionary Guards; Mohammad Kazemi, the intelligence chief; several high-ranking nuclear scientists and others, have triggered a cascade of fear and uncertainty among Iranians along with glimmers of elusive hope.
Such desire for change isn’t unwarranted. My family and I took refuge in Australia, not Iran, because the Iranian regime’s tyranny proved unbearable. We sought asylum in 1983 due to severe political persecution where most of our adult family members were arrested and indiscriminately imprisoned by the prevailing government. Little progress has been since then.
The regime, including its Revolutionary Guards, continuously flout fundamental human rights. Elections, heavily regulated, regularly guarantee the victory of the preferred nominees. According to Freedom House, a US-based nonprofit organization, Iran scores a mere 11 out of 100 for political rights and civil liberties offered to its citizens.
It resonated with many Iranians when, in 2019, the US labeled the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist entity, a designation other nations such as Canada and Sweden followed. By 2023, the European Parliament overwhelmingly supported a resolution to do likewise, and by 2025, there was fervent advocacy to expedite this process.
Paralleling their human rights violations, the Revolutionary Guard has inflicted severe damage upon Iran’s economy. Their consistent corruption, financial mismanagement, and running of illicit markets have exaggerated the impact of global sanctions. Consequently, the Iranian rial plunged to a historic low this year.
This economic decline has occurred despite Iran’s substantial natural resources, featuring the second and third largest natural gas and oil reserves globally. With a GDP surpassing $US404 billion, placing Iran 36th globally, and an extensively educated youth population with more women in universities than men, the resources for domestic development are undeniably present.
Nonetheless, Iran’s government dulls its future by funding terrorist proxies such as Hamas in Palestine, Hezbollah in Lebanon, the recently overthrown Assad regime in Syria, and Houthi rebels in Yemen, an admission made by the government itself. This spending, amounting to tens of billions of dollars, comes at the expense of their domestic development.
This state of affairs doesn’t suggest that Iranians passively accept their governmental repression. They have consistently rallied in predominately nonviolent protests. There have been around 10 such mass demonstrations since the Islamic Republic’s birth in 1979. One of the most significant was the Green Movement in 2009, where over one million citizens took to Tehran’s streets.
As recent as May 2025, strikes occurred in more than 150 cities with the participation of hundreds of thousands of workers. However, these protests have largely met with brutal suppression from state authorities. A notable incident occurred in September 2022 during the Zan Zendegi Azadi (Woman Life Freedom) movement.
The government’s response to this campaign for women’s rights was horrendous: a harsh crackdown that landed more than 20,000 protesters in prison. Numerous survivors claimed exposure to torture methods, including electric shock, flogging, waterboarding, and rape. Such atrocities help explain why some citizens might view the Israeli offensive as an opportunity rather than a threat.
With sustained and systematic violent suppression, people are running out of peaceful options for inducing change. Can we then blame a people under the yoke of an oppressive Islamic government if they look kindly upon a Jewish state’s actions against their political leaders?
I often find myself lost in the comforting lament of Morq-e Sahar while watching news updates about the war – perhaps as a distraction, or maybe seeking solace. What remains undeniable, however, is the faith I retain in the resilience and spirit of my fellow Iranians.
The post Iranian Expat Reflects on Homeland’s Persistent Struggle for Freedom appeared first on Real News Now.
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