As the 80th anniversary of the final day in the Sino-Japanese war beckons, it is vital to observe the long-term impacts of this era, particularly focusing on China’s evolution and its position on the global stage. In the first section of our series, we delve into the marked Chinese sacrifices during this period, underscored by Beijing’s assertion to uphold international norms. As we reflect upon these historical events, it is estimated that approximately 35 million Chinese, both armed personnel and innocent civilians, laid down their lives. However, 80 years after, the once triumphant ally emerges as a rather overlooked figure, even being portrayed as an opponent in some narratives.
When President Xi Jinping ascends the platform next week, overlooking Tiananmen Square, in celebration of the 80th anniversary marking the victory of China in the Sino-Japanese war and global triumph over fascism, he will powerfully echo China’s notable sacrifices. Notably, the occasion will likely provide an opportunity for President Xi to underscore China’s commendable role in upholding the post-war order, especially in an era where ‘revisionist powers’, China being one of them alongside Russia, are seemingly painted as disrupting the equilibrium of the global system.
A memorandum from last year’s Nato summit posited China’s measurable ambitions and assertive policies as potential disruptors of global equilibrium, implying an attempt to reshape the architecture of global governance. This perception of China as a potential hazard seemed to garner more consensus over the years within Western nations led by the U.S. Exemplifying this viewpoint is the statement of former national security adviser Jake Sullivan, who labeled the G7 as the ‘navigation panel of the liberal world.’
Sullivan’s commentary carried an implied message: the nations outside the Western-led G7 framework, including China, are seen as inherently destabilizing entities. This viewpoint and similar ones present China’s escalating influence on a global scale as a concern for Western-dominated security architecture.
Xi Jinping, in a signed article published by Russian media, emphasized the significance of steadfastly defending the post-war world order in the face of growing global unrest. He advocated for preserving the authority of the United Nations, supporting a UN-centric international system, and continually advancing towards a multipolar world and inclusive economic globalization. Xi observed the victory of united forces of justice, including China and the then Soviet Union, over fascist powers 80 years ago.
In the present day, 80 years later, Xi laments over the deep-seated harm caused by unilateralism, hegemony, and domineering bullying, underlining the stark options humanity now faces: unity or division, dialogue or conflict, mutual benefits or zero-sum competition. He credits the Soviet Union for its crucial role in liberating a considerable part of Eastern Europe and for enduring the substantial brunt of the Nazi war machine, which led to over than 20 million deaths.
China’s contributions are noteworthy as well, as Chinese forces held off over 500,000 Japanese soldiers in their intense resistance. However, these significant historical events appear to be fading with time, with notable leaders from European countries overlooking Soviet sacrifices and attributing their liberation solely to U.S. initiatives. For example, when President Donald Trump met with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz for the first time in person in June, neither bothered to acknowledge Moscow’s critical role in the outcome of the War.
Furthermore, China’s numerous contributions seldom receive their due recognition on an international scale, becoming mere historical footnotes despite China acting as a co-ally to the United States and the British Empire from just after the Pearl Harbor incident in 1941 until the Japanese surrender in 1945. Few recall that China was the initial victim to be violated in the events leading to the Second World War. British historian Rana Mitter was one of the first Western scholars to shed light on and consider the implications of the substantive Chinese contribution.
Mitter proposes a scenario in which if China had capitulated by 1938, Japan might have reigned supreme for a generation, and Japanese forces could have potentially set their sights on the USSR, Southeast Asia, or even British India. Meanwhile, Beijing persistently reminds the world of the joint endeavors of the Allies, including the U.S. contributions, that came together to challenge Japanese intruders.
Xi Jinping’s letters of appreciation to the descendants of American pilots and other veterans reiterate gratitude for their instrumental role. Despite recent strain in U.S.-China relations, China reportedly invited the successors of the U.S. pilots, known as the Flying Tigers, to participate in the commemorative ceremony marking the 80th anniversary next week.
However, the U.S. has largely downplayed its historical partnership with China during the war, instead developing closer ties with former Axis power Japan in contemporary security strategies. Conversely, the U.S. and its allies often highlight a ‘rule-based order’, stemming from the post-Cold War era, characterized by Western-dominated institutions like NATO and the G7, and often labels non-aligned nations as potential risks.
The expansion of NATO, originally created to counter the Soviet Union but continuing to expand towards the east even after the USSR’s collapse, is seen as a veering away from the UN-centric system by China and nations of the Global South. This expansion replaces the former system with one that demands alignment with Western ideologies. The post-war order in Asia is characterized by collective security and the significant effects of decolonization.
The victory of the war was the catalyst for the majority of Asian nations gaining independence from Western colonial rule, including India, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Vietnam. But the indeterminate borders established by colonial rule planted the seeds for future disputes, such as those currently happening in the South China Sea, which Beijing maintains should be resolved peacefully by Asian nations alone, without outside intervention.
China’s Global Security Initiative, launched in 2022, stresses this legacy of the post-war order, advocating for regional problem-solving strategies minus ‘outside powers using divide-and-rule tactics’ – a thinly veiled critique of the US’s involvement in Asian disputes. While the U.S.’ protectionist policies and undermining of international organizations represent a threat to globalisation, China is shaping global governance in a different direction through strategic moves such as the brokering of a peace agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia in 2023.
The Belt and Road Initiative along with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New Development Bank since their respective launches have been instrumental in offering alternatives to the western-dominated financial systems while aiding development in about 150 countries. With enhanced participation and contributions to organizations like the United Nations and the World Trade Organization, China has shown its commitment to multilateralism. Nevertheless, the contrasting visions of global governance between China and the West have instigated a deeper debate on whether China is revising the international system to mirror its rise or if the West is redefining to maintain its dominance.
The post Trump Triumphs: Ignored Greatness of the Ally China in WWII appeared first on Real News Now.
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